Born in Benin in the late 18th century, Equiano was enslaved as a young boy and passed through a variety of experiences, many of them horrible; but he managed to acquire enough learning and independence to become a major voice advocating an end to slavery. His Narrative, written in English in 1789, immediately became a sensation, and has remained a classic source for our knowledge about the European slave trade from the point of view of the slave.

In what ways does Equiano contrast slavery within Africa with the sort of slavery he encountered in the western hemisphere? What sufferings does he describe on the slave ship crossing the Atlantic Ocean to the Caribbean? In what ways were slaves cheated by whites?

Description of his early life.

Our tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk from our dwellings, and all the neighbors resort thither in a body. They use no beasts or husbandry, and their only instruments are hoes, axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds so as to darken the air and destroy our harvest. This however happens rarely, but when it does a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or two wherein this happened. This common is often the theater of war and therefore when our people go out to till their land they not only go in a body but generally take their arms with them for fear of a surprise, and when they apprehend an invasion they guard the avenues to their dwellings by driving sticks into the ground, which are so sharp at one end as to pierce the foot and are generally dipped in poison. From what I can recollect of these battles, they appear to have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other to obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by those traders who brought the European goods I mentioned amongst us. Such a mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common, and I believe morc are procured this way and by kidnapping than any other. When a trader wants slaves he applies to a chief for them and tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary if on this occasion he yields to the temptation with as little firmness, and accepts the price of his fellow creature’s liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours and a desperate battle ensues. If he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifies his avarice by selling them; but if his party be vanquished and he falls into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death: for as he has been known to foment their quarrels it is thought dangerous to let him survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be redeemed. We have fire-arms, bows and arrows, broad two-edged swords and javelins: we have shields also which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the use of these weapons; even our women are warriors and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole district is a kind of militia: on a certain signal given, such as the firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their enemy. It is perhaps something remarkable that when our people march to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a witness to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one day as usual, when our people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree at some distance, from which I beheld the fight. There were many women as well as men on both sides; among others my mother was there, and armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with great fury and after many had been killed, our people obtained the victory and took their enemy’s Chief prisoner. Hc was carried off in great triumph, and though he offered a large ransom for his life he was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place where our trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to the merit of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or redeemed we kept as slaves: but how different was their condition from that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us they do no more work than other members of the community, even their master; their food, clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, (except that they were not permitted to eat with those who were freeborn), and there was scarce any other difference between them than a superior degree of importance which the head of a family possesses in our state, and that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his household. Some of thcse slaves have even slaves under them as their own property and for their own use.

Enslavement

My father, besides many slaves, had a numerous family of which seven lived to grow up, including myself and a sister who was the only daughter. As I was the youngest of the sons I became, of course, the greatest favourite with my mother and was always with her; and she used to take particular pains to form my mind. I was trained up from my earliest years in the art of war, my daily exercise was shooting and throwing javelins, and my mother adorned me with emblems after the manner of our greatest warriors. In this way I grew up till I was turned the age of 11, when an end was put to my happiness in the following manner. Generally when the grown people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour, the children assembled together in some of the neighbours’ premises to play, and commonly some of us used to get up a tree to look out for any assailant or kidnapper that might come upon us, for they sometimes took those opportunities of our parents’ absence to attack and carry off as many as they could seize. One day, as I was watching at the top of a tree in our yard, I saw one of those people come into the yard of our next neighbour but one to kidnap, there being many stout young people in it. Immediately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue and he was surrounded by the stoutest of them, who entangled him with cords so that he could not escape till some of the grown people came and secured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate to be thus attacked and to be carried off when none of the grown people were nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual and only I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both, and without giving us time to cry out or make resistance they stopped our mouths and ran off with us into the nearest wood. Here they tied our hands and continued to carry us as far as they could till night came on, when we reached a small house where the robbers halted for refreshment and spent the night. We were then unbound but were unable to take any food, and being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune for a short time. The next morning we left the house and continued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept to the woods, but at last we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had now some hopes of being delivered, for we had advanced but a little way before I discovered some people at a distance, on which I began to cry out for their assistance: but my cries had no other effect than to make them tie me faster and stop my mouth, and then they put me into a large sack. They also stopped my sister’s mouth and tied her hands and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the sight of these people. When we went to rest the following night they offered us some victuals, but we refused it, and the only comfort we had was in being in one another’s arms all that night and bathing each other with our tears. But alas! we were soon deprived of even the small comfort of weeping together. The next day proved a day of greater sorrow than I had yet experienced, for my sister and I were then separated while we lay clasped in each other’s arms. It was in vain that we besought them not to part us; she was torn from me and immediately carried away, while I was left in a state of distraction not to be described. I cried and grieved continually, and for several days I did not eat anything but what they forced into my mouth.

On the slave ship

I now saw myself deprived of all chance of returning to my native country or even the least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief; I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life: so that with the loathsomeness of the stench and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste anything. I now wished for the last friend, death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eatables, and on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands and laid me across I think the windlass, and tied my feet while the other flogged me severely. I had never experienced anything of this kind before, and although, not being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first time I saw it, yet nevertheless could I have got over the nettings I would have jumped over the side, but I could not; and besides, the crew used to watch us very closely who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the water: and I have seen some of these poor African prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men I found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with us; they gave me to understand we were to be carried to these white people’s country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought if it were no worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still I feared I should be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so savage a manner; for I had never seen among my people such instances of brutal cruelty, and this not only shewn towards us blacks but also to some of the whites themselves. One white man in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be on deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast that he died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a brute. This made me fear these people the more, and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. . . .

The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship’s cargo were confined together it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women and the groans of the dying rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck, and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumstance I met with served only to render my state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes, and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, took an opportunity when they thought no one saw them of trying to get a little privately; but they were discovered, and the attempt procured them some very severe floggings. One day, when we had a smooth sea and moderate wind, two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together (I was near them at the time), preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumped into the sea: immediately another quite dejected fellow, who on account of his illness was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example; and I believe many more would very soon have done the same if they had not been prevented by the ship’s crew, who were instantly alarmed. Those of us that were the most active were in a moment put down under the deck, and there was such a noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I never heard before, to stop her and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other and afterwards flogged him unmercifully for thus attempting to prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to undergo more hardships than I can now relate, hardships which are inseparable from this accursed trade.

Life in slavery

It was very common in several of the islands, particularly in St Kitt’s, for the slaves to be branded with the initial letters of their master’s name, and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. Indeed on the most trifling occasions they were loaded with chains, and often instruments of torture were added. The iron muzzle, thumbscrews, etc. are so well known as not to need a description, and were sometimes applied for the slightest faults. I have seen a negro beaten till some of his bones were broken for even letting a pot boil over. It is surprising that usage like this should drive the poor creatures to despair and make them seek refuge in death from those evils which render their lives intolerable while,

“With shudd’ring horror pale, and eyes aghast,
They view their lamentable lot, and find
No rest !” (1)

This they frequently do. A negro-man on board a vessel of my master, while I belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling misdemeanour and kept in that state for some days, being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping overboard into the sea; however, he was picked up without being drowned. Another whose life was also a burden to him resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat any victuals; this procured him a severe flogging, and he also, on the first occasion which offered, jumped overboard at Charleston, but was saved.

Nor is there any greater regard shown to the little property, than there is to the persons and lives of the negroes. I have already related an instance or two of particular oppression out of many which I have witnessed, but the following is frequent in all the islands. The wretched field-slaves, after toiling all the day for an unfeeling owner who gives them but little victuals, steal sometimes a few moments from rest or refreshment to gather some small portion of grass, according as their time will admit. This they commonly tie up in a parcel, (either a bit, worth six pence, or half a bit’s-worth) and bring it to town or to the market to sell. Nothing is more common than for the white people on this occasion to take the grass from them without paying for it; and not only so, but too often also to my knowledge our clerks and many others at the same time have committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpless females, whom I have seen for hours stand crying to no purpose and get no redress or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying sin enough to bring down God’s judgement on the islands? He tells us the oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands; and if these are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the bruised, which our Saviour speaks of, who are they? One of these depredators once in St Eustatia came on board our vessel and bought some fowls and pigs of me, and a whole day after his departure with the things he returned again and wanted his money back: I refused to give it and not seeing my captain on board, he began the common pranks with me, and swore he would even break open my chest and take my money. I therefore expected, as my captain was absent, that he would be as good as his word, and he was just proceeding to strike me, when fortunately a British seaman on board, whose heart had not been debauched by a West India climate, interposed and prevented him. But had the cruel man struck me I certainly should have defended myself at the hazard of my life, for what is life to a man thus oppressed? He went away, however, swearing, and threatened that whenever he caught me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me afterwards.

The small account in which the life of a negro is held in the West Indies is so universally known that it might seem impertinent to quote the following extract, if some people had not been hardy enough of late to assert that negroes are on the same footing in that respect as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the assembly of Barbadoes it is enacted “That if any negro, or other slave, under punishment by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other crime or misdemeanour towards his said master, unfortunately shall suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to a fine, but if any man shall out of wantonness, or only of bloody-mindedness, or cruel intention, wilfully kill a negro, or other slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds sterling.” And it is the same in most, if not all, of the West India islands.

(1) These lines describe the plight of the damned in Milton’s Paradise Lost.

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

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Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

This is just a sample of Reading About the World, Volume 2.

Reading About the World is now out of print. You can search for used copies using the following information:Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-567425-0 or Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 2, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-512826-4.

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The conventions of a number of the States having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added.

Amendment 1: Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment 2: A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment 3: No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment 4: The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Amendment 5: No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Amendment 6: In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

Amendment 7: In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Amendment 8: Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Amendment 9: The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment 10: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

Paul Brians
Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

This is just a sample of Reading About the World, Volume 2.

Reading About the World is now out of print. You can search for used copies using the following information:Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-567425-0 or Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 2, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-512826-4.

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The English who initially settled Jamestown in 1607 struggled to survive and a couple of times came close to abandoning the colony. They could not grow food to sustain themselves and they could not subjugate the local Indian confederacy under the chief Powhatan. They understandably feared that he could wipe them out with a concerted attack, while they remained dependent on supplies that his people could supply from their agricultural surpluses. Captain John Smith, for some months the head of the Jamestown colony, regularly encountered Powhatan or contingents of his people as he himself led small groups into the hinterland. They almost always haggled as each sought to assert his primacy over the other.

Did the Indians already possess some European-made implements when Smith came to visit them? What kinds of ceremonies did the Indians display? What kinds of ceremonies did the English display? Were the Powhatan Indians fearful of the English or vice versa? Did the English need anything of the Indians? Did the English take advantage of Powhatan in the trade that they conducted? What did Powhatan suspect to be the ultimate motive of the English in coming to his territory?

What happened on the second voyage to discover the Bay

Entering the River of Tockwogh the savages all armed in a fleet of boats round environed us; it chanced one of them could speak the language of Powhatan who persuaded the rest to a friendly parley: but when they see us furnished with the Massawomecks’ weapons, and we feigning the invention of Kecoughtan to have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their palisaded town, mantled with the barks of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, breasted about with barks very formally, their men, women, and children, with dances, songs, fruits, fish, furs, & what they had kindly entertained us, spreading mats for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities to express their loves.

Many hatchets, knives, & pieces of iron, & brass, we see, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanocks a mighty people, and mortal enemies with the Massawomecks; the Sasquesahanocks inhabit upon the chief spring of these 4 two days’ journey higher than our barge could pass for (1) rocks. Yet we prevailed with the interpreter to take with him another interpreter to persuade the Sasquesahanocks to come to visit us, for their languages are different: 3 or 4 days we expected their return then 60 of these giant-like people came down with presents of venison, tobacco pipes, baskets, targets, bowes and arrows, 5 of their Werowances came boldly aboard us, to cross the bay for Tockwogh, leaving their men and canoes, the wind being so violent that they durst not pass.

Our order was, daily to have prayer, with a psalm, at which solemnity the poor savages much wondered: our prayers being done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contrived their business; then they began in most passionate manner to hold up their hands to the sun with a most fearful song, then embracing the Captain, they began to adore him in like manner, though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song was finished, which done with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice began an oration of their loves; that ended, with a great painted bear’s skin they covered our Captain. then one ready with a chain of white beads (weighing at least 6 or 7 pound) hung it about his neck, the others had 18 mantles made of divers sorts of skins sowed together, all these with many other toys, they laid at his feet, stroking their ceremonious hands about his neck for his creation to be their governor, promising their aids, victuals, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them to defend and revenge them of the Massawomecks; But we left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next year again to visit them; many descriptions and discourses they made us of Atquanahuck, Massawomeck, and other people, signifying they inhabit the river of Cannida, and from the French to have their hatchets, and such like tools by trade, these know no more of the territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them. . . .

Captain Smith’s Journey to Pamaunke

This company being victualled but for 3 or 4 days lodged the first night at Weraskoyack, where the President took sufficient provision; This kind savage did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevail, he advised in this manner Captain Smith, “you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he have no opportunity to seize on your arms, for he hath sent for you only to cut your throats;” the Captain thanked him for his good counsel, yet the better to try his love, desired guides to Chowanoke, for he would send a present to that king to bind him his friend. To perform this journey, was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant, and painful (2) soldier, with him two guides, and directions how to search for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleigh, and silk grass: then we departed thence, the President assuring the king his perpetual love, and left with him Samuell Collier his page to learn the language. . . .

We sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plenty of bread, turkeys, & venison. The next day having feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began to ask, when we would be gone, feigning he sent not for us, neither had he any corn, and his people much less, yet for 40 swords he would procure us 40 bushels. The President showing him the men there present, that brought him the message and conditions, asked him how it chanced he became so forgetful, thereat the king concluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for our commodities, but none he liked without guns and swords, valuing a basket of corn more precious than a basket of copper, saying he could eat his corn, but not his copper.

Captain Smith seeing the intent of this subtle savage, began to deal with him after this manner, “Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my provision, yet believing your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all, to satisfy your desire, and to testify my love, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting my own: what your people had you have engrossed, forbidding them our trade, and now you think by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill your strange demands, as for swords, and guns, I told you long ago, I had none to spare. And you shall know, those I have, can keep me from want, yet steal, or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve that friendship, we have mutually promised, (except you constrain me by your bad usage).”

The king having attentively listened to this discourse; promised, that both he and his country would spare him what they could, the which within 2 days, they should receive, “yet Captain Smith,” (saith the king) “some doubt I have of your coming hither, that makes me not so kindly seek to relieve you as I would; for many do inform me, your coming is not for trade, but to invade my people and possess my country, who dare not come to bring you corn, seeing you thus armed with your men. To clear us of this fear, leave aboard your weapons, for here they are needless we being all friends and for ever Powhatan’s.”

With many such discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in the king’s houses, the next day he reviewed his building, which he little intended should proceed; for the Dutchmen finding his plenty, and knowing our want, and perceived his preparation to surprise us, little thinking we could escape, both him and famine. . . .

Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade, but the king seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his mind, once more in this manner.

“Captain Smith, I never used any of Werowances, so kindly as your self; yet from you I receive the least kindness of any. Captain Newport gave me swords, copper, cloths, a bed, tools, or what I desired, ever taking what I offered him, and would send away his guns when I entreated him: none doth deny to lay at my feet (or do) what I desire, but only you, of whom I can have nothing, but what you regard not, and yet you will have whatsoever you demand. Captain Newport you call father, and so you call me, but I see for all us both, you will do what you list, and we must both seek to content you: but if you intend so friendly as you say, send hence your arms that I may believe you, for you see the love I bear you, doth cause me thus nakedly forget my self.”

Smith seeing this savage but trifled the time to cut his throat: procured the savages to break the ice, (that his boat might come to fetch both him and his corn) and gave order for his men to come ashore, to have surprised the king, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men landed, and to keep him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply.

“Powhatan, you must know as I have but one God, I honor but one king; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend, to pleasure you with what I can; by the gifts you bestow on me, you gain more than by trade; yet would you visit me as I do you, you should know it is not our custom to sell our courtesy as a vendible commodity. Bring all your country with you for your guard, I will not dislike of it as being over-jealous. But to content you, tomorrow I will leave my arms, and trust to your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will love you, but the small care you had of such a child, caused my men persuade me to shift for my self.”

By this time Powhatan having knowledge, his men were ready: whilst the ice was breaking, his luggage women, and children fled, and to avoid suspicion, left 2 or 3 of his women talking with the Captain, whilst he secretly fled, and his men as secretly beset the house, which being at the instant discovered to Captain Smith, with his pistol, sword & target, he made such a passage amongst those naked devils, that they fled before him some one way some another, so that without hurt he obtained the corps du guard; (3) when they perceived him so well escaped, and with his 8 men (for he had no more with him). To the uttermost of their skill, they sought by excuses to dissemble the matter, and Powhatan to excuse his flight, and the sudden coming of this multitude, sent our Captain a great bracelet, and a chain of pearl, by an ancient orator that bespoke us to this purpose, (perceiving then from our Pinnace, a barge and men departing & coming unto us) “Captain Smith, our Werowans is fled, fearing your guns, & knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent those of his to guard his corn from the pilfery, that might happen without your knowledge: now though some be hurt by your misprision, (4) yet he is your friend, and so will continue: and since the ice is open he would have you send away your corn, and if you would have his company send also your arms, which so affrighteth this people, that they dare not come to you, as he hath promised they should:” now having provided baskets for our men to carry the corn, they kindly offered their service to guard our arms, that none should steal them. A great many they were, of goodly well-appointed fellows as grim as devils; yet the very sight of cocking our matches against them, and few words, caused them to leave their bows & arrows to our guard, and bear down our corn on their own backs; we needed not importune them to make quick dispatch. But our own barge being left by the ebb, caused us to stay, till the midnight tide carried us safe aboard, having spent that half night with such mirth, as though we never had suspected or intended any thing, we left the Dutchmen to build, Brinton to kill fowl for Powhatan (as by his messengers he importunately desired) and left directions with our men to give Powhatan all the content they could, that we might enjoy his company at our return from Pamaunke.

(1) Because of.

(2) Painstaking, conscientious.

(3) Reached the bodyguard.

(4) Misunderstanding.

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

Paul Brians
Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

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Peruvian poet.

The poor man is stupid if silent;
and if he speaks, he is an idiot;
if he shows knowledge, he is a chatterer;
and if he is affable, he is a liar;
if he is polite, he is a meddler;
when he doesn’t suffer, arrogant;
cowardly when he is humble;
and crazy when he is resolute;
if brave, he is reckless;
conceited, if he is modest;
flattering, if compliant;
and if he begs pardon, coarse’;
if he pretends, he is cheeky;
if he is deserving, he gets no appreciation;
his nobility is unseen, and his best clothes, unclean;
if he works, he is greedy, and at the opposite extreme
a lost soul if he rests . . .
Behold! Are these not privileges?

Translated by Mary Gallwey

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

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Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

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Juana Ramârez y Asbaje was born between 1648 and 1651 near Mexico City. Although her mother was illiterate, young Juana had access to her grandfatherÍs extensive library and taught herself the forms of classical rhetoric, as well as the language of law, literature, and theology. Because women were not allowed to study at the University in Mexico City, she continued her program of self-education, first as lady-in-waiting at the Spanish Viceroy’s court, and then in the convent, which she entered in 1668 to be able to pursue a quiet, intellectual life. In a patriarchal age, however, her confessor and even the Archbishop of Mexico condemned her writing. Nevertheless, Sor JuanaÍs talent earned her the patronage of two ViceroysÍ wives, and poetry, drama, and prose continued to flow from her pen. Her love poetry, in particular, was viewed as scandalous writing for a nun, as the following selection may illustrate. Probably her most notable work was 1690Ís The Answer (La Respuesta), a rebuttal of her clerical critics that justifies her place as a seventeenth century feminist. Unfortunately, when she ventured into theological argument, Sor Juana unleashed such a storm of ecclesiastical condemnation that she ceased writing, selling her library and musical and scientific instruments in 1692. Three years later she was dead, having fallen victim to an epidemic disease contracted while caring for her similarly stricken sisters. Nevertheless, her place as a major figure of Hispanic literature was already assured. Indeed, in her own time, she was known as the ñMexican Phoenix,î her work rising as a flame from the ashes of religious disapproval. What reasons do you think a nun might have for writing such a poem? Is this work personal, or purely literary?

This afternoon, my dear, when I spoke with you,
In your countenance and in your acts I saw
That with words I could not persuade you,
So I desired that you see into my heart;
And Love, which aided my intent,
Overcame that which seemed impossible,
Since amidst the tears that sadness unleashed,
My heart, undone, dropped within me.
Enough, then, of harshness, my dear, enough:
Neither torment yourself more with these tyrannous doubts
Nor let vile distrust oppose your peace of mind
With foolish shadows or vain evidence,
Since already in flowing humor you saw and held
My helpless heart between your hands.

Translated by Susan Swan

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

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Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

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The discovery of so many new lands in the Renaissance had less impact on most Europeans than one might suppose. They were largely absorbed in recovering (and competing with) their own classical past and engaging in violent theological and political disputes among themselves. Yet some Europeans were profoundly shaken by the new discoveries into realizing that much of the world thought and lived very differently from what was then known as “Christendom.” No writer was more strongly moved to view his own society from a new perspective in the light of reports brought back of the habits of the natives of the “New World” than Michel de Montaigne. He began a long tradition of using non-European peoples as a basis for engaging in a critique of his own culture, undoubtedly in the process romanticizing what Jean-Jacques Rousseau would later call “the noble savage.” It is a theme which still appeals to many Westerners.

What reason does Montaigne give for judging cannibalistic Native Americans to be preferable to Europeans?

When King Pyrrhus invaded Italy, after he had reconnoitered the armed forces that the Romans had sent out against him, he said, “I don’t know who these barbarians are”–for the Greeks called all foreign peoples barbarians–“but the organization of the army I see before me is not at all barbaric.” The Greeks said the same when Flaminius invaded their country, as did Philip, when he saw from a hill the orderly layout of the Roman camp which had been set up in his kingdom under Publius Sulpicius Galba. These examples illustrate how one must avoid accepting common prejudices: opinions must be judged by means of reason, and not by adopting common opinion.

I had with me for a long time a man who had lived for ten or twelve years in this other world which has been discovered in our time, in the place where Villegaignon landed, which he named Antarctic France (1). This discover of an enormous land seems to me to be worth contemplating. I doubt that I could affirm that another such may not be discovered in the future, since so many greater people than I were mistaken about this one. I’m afraid that our eyes are bigger than our stomachs, and that we have more curiosity than comprehension. We try to embrace everything but succeed only in grasping the wind.

. . . I do not find that there is anything barbaric or savage about this nation, according to what I’ve been told, unless we are to call barbarism whatever differs from our own customs. Indeed, we seem to have no other standard of truth and reason than the opinions and customs of our own country. There at home is always the perfect religion, the perfect legal system–the perfect and most accomplished way of doing everything. These people are wild in the same sense that fruits are, produced by nature, alone, in her ordinary way. Indeed, in that land, it is we who refuse to alter our artificial ways and reject the common order that ought rather to be called wild, or savage, (2) In them the most natural virtues and abilities are alive and vigorous, whereas we have bastardized them and adopted them solely to our corrupt taste. Even so, the flavor and delicacy of some of the wild fruits from those countries is excellent, even to our taste, better than our cultivated ones. After all, it would hardly be reasonable that artificial breeding should be able to outdo our great and powerful mother, Nature. We have so burdened the beauty and richness of her works by our innovations that we have entirely stifled her. Yet whenever she shines forth in her purity she puts our vain and frivolous enterprises amazingly to shame.

Et veniunt ederæ sponte sua melius,
surgit et in solis formosior arbutus antris,
et volucres nulla dulcius arte canunt. (3)

All our efforts cannot create the nest of the tiniest bird: its structure, its beauty, or the usefulness of its form; nor can we create the web of the lowly spider. All things, said Plato are produced by nature, chance, or human skill, the greatest and most beautiful things by one of the first two, the lesser and most imperfect, by the latter.

These nations seem to me, then, barbaric in that they have been little refashioned by the human mind and are still quite close to their original naiveté. They are still ruled by natural laws, only slightly corrupted by ours. They are in such a state of purity that I am sometimes saddened by the thought that we did not discover them earlier, when there were people who would have known how to judge them better than we. It displeases me that Lycurgus or Plato didn’t know them, for it seems to me that these peoples surpass not only the portraits which poetry has made of the Golden Age and all the invented, imaginary notions of the ideal state of humanity, but even the conceptions and the very aims of philosophers themselves. They could not imagine such a pure and simple naiveté as we encounter in them; nor would they have been able to believe that our society might be maintained with so little artifice and social structure.

This is a people, I would say to Plato, among whom there is no commerce at all, no knowledge of letters, no knowledge of numbers, nor any judges, or political superiority, no habit of service, riches, or poverty, no contracts, no inheritance, no divisions of property, no occupations but easy ones, no respect for any relationship except ordinary family ones, no clothes, no agriculture, no metal, no use of wine or wheat. The very words which mean “lie,” “treason,” “deception,” “greed,” “envy,” “slander” and “forgiveness” are unknown. How far his imaginary Republic would be from such perfection:

viri a diis recentes (4)

Hos natura modos primum dedit. . . . (5)

They have their wars against peoples who live beyond their mountains, further inland, to which they go entirely naked, bearing no other arms that bows and sharpened stakes like our hunting spears. The courage with which they fight is amazing: their battles never end except through death of bloodshed, for they do not even understand what fear is. Each one carries back as a trophy the head of the enemy that he has skilled, and hangs it up at the entrance to his home. After having treated their prisoners well for a long time, giving them all the provisions that they could one, he who is the chief calls a great assembly of his acquaintances. He ties a rope to one of the arms of the prisoner and on the other end, several feet away, out of harm’s way, and gives to his best friend the arm to hold; and the two of them, in the presence of the assembled group, slash him to death with their swords. That done, they roast him and eat him together, sending portions to their absent friends. They do this, not as is supposed, for nourishment as did the ancient Scythians; it represents instead an extreme form of vengeance. The proof of this is that when they saw that the Portuguese, who had allied themselves with their adversaries, when they executed their captives differently, burying them up to the waist and firing numerous arrows into the remainder of the body, hanging them afterward, they viewed these people from another world, who had spread the knowledge of many vices among their neighbors, and who were much more masterly than they in every sort of evil, must have chosen this sort of revenge for a reason. Thinking that it must be more bitter than their own, they abandoned their ancient way to imitate this one.

I am not so concerned that we should remark on the barbaric horror of such a deed, but that, while we quite rightly judge their faults, we are blind to our own. I think it is more barbaric to eat a man alive than to eat him dead, to tear apart through torture and pain a living body which can still feel, or to burn it alive by bits, to let it be gnawed and chewed by dogs or pigs (as we have no only read, but seen, in recent times, not against old enemies but among neighbors and fellow-citizens, and–what is worse–under the pretext of piety and religion. (6) Better to roast and eat him after he is dead.

Translated by Paul Brians

(1) Brazil.

(2) Sauvage in French means both wild and savage.

(3) The ivy grows best when it grows wild, and the arbutus is most lovely when it grows in solitude; untaught birds sing most sweetly . Propertius, I, ii, 10.

(4) Men freshly molded from the hands of the gods. (Seneca: Epistles, 90.)

(5) These are the first laws laid down by Nature. (Virgil: Georgics, II, 20.)

(6) Montaigne is describing the tortures frequently carried out by the Holy Inquisition against heretics.

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

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Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

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(A Manifestation from Lt. Col. John Lilburn, Mr. William Walwyn, Mr. Thomas Price, and Mr. Richard Overton (now prisoners in the Tower) and others, commonly (though unjustly) styled Levelers

The Leveller movement reached its height in the middle of the seventeenth century. Levellers wanted political democracy and the abolition of the English class system. Their enemies included the wealthy classes, of course, but also the leaders of the army. In 1649, Oliver Cromwell imprisoned several Levellers in the Tower of London. These radicals defended their program in the following pamphlet, arguing that their ideas were not as extreme as they had been portrayed.

What do the Levellers say they stand for? What are the Levellers against? How do they plan to reform English society? What role does God play in the Leveller program?

The community amongst the primitive (1) Christians was voluntary, not coactive; they brought their goods and laid them at the Apostles’ feet; they were not enjoined to bring them; it was the effect of their charity and heavenly mindedness which the blessed Apostles begat in them, and not the injunctions of any constitution. . . . It was not esteemed a duty but reckoned a voluntary act occasioned by the abundant measure of faith that was in these Christians and Apostles. (2)

We profess that we never had it in our thoughts to level men’s estates, (3) it being the utmost of our aims that the commonwealth be reduced to such pass that every man may with as much security as may be enjoy his property.

We know very well that in all ages those men that engage themselves against tyranny, unjust and arbitrary proceedings in magistrates, have suffered under such appellations, the People being purposely frighted from that which is good by insinuation of imaginary evil.

But be it so: we must notwithstanding discharge our duties which being performed the success is in God’s hands to whose pleasure we must leave the clearing of men’s spirits, our only certainty being tranquillity of mind and peace of conscience.

For distinction of orders and dignities, we think them so far needful as they are animosities (4) of virtue or requisite for the maintenance of the magistracy and government; we think they were never intended for the nourishment of ambition or subjugation of the People, but only to preserve the due respect and obedience in the People which is necessary for the better execution of the laws.

That we are for government and against popular confusion we conceive all our actions declare when rightly considered, our aim having been all along to reduce it as near as might be to perfection; and certainly we know very well the pravity (5) and corruption of man’s heart is such that there could be no living without it; and that though tyranny is so excessively bad, yet of the two extremes confusion is the worst. ‘Tis somewhat strange consequence to infer that because we have labored so earnestly for a good government, therefore we would have none at all: because we would have the dead and exorbitant (6) branches pruned and better scions grafted, therefore we would pluck the tree up by the roots.

Yet thus have we been misconceived and misrepresented to the world, under which we must suffer till God sees it fitting in his good time to clear such harsh mistakes, by which many, even good, men keep a distance from us. . . .

Whereas it is said, we are atheists and antiscripturalists, we profess that we believe there is one eternal and omnipotent God, the author and preserver of all things in the world. To whose will and directions, written first in our hearts and afterwards in his blessed Word, we ought to square our actions and conversations. And though we are not so strict upon the formal and ceremonial part of his service, the method, manner and personal injunction being not so clearly made out unto us, nor the necessary requisites which his officers and ministers ought to be furnished withal as yet appearing to us in any that pretend thereunto; yet for the manifestation of God’s love in Christ, it is clearly assented unto by us as being, in our apprehensions, the most eminent and the most excellent in the world and as proceeding from no other but that God who is goodness itself: and we humbly desire his Majesty daily more and more to conform our hearts to a willing and sincere obedience thereunto. . . .

We aim not at power in ourselves, our principles and desires being in no measure of self-concernment: nor do we rely for obtaining the same upon strength, or a forcible obstruction; but solely upon that inbred and persuasive power that is in all good and just things, to make their own way in the hearts of men, and so to procure their own Establishment.

(1) Earliest.

(2) This refers to the so-called “primitive Christian communism” described in Acts 4:32-35, though the next chapter implies that while the sharing may not have been mandatory, it was highly recommended.

(3) Equalize people’s wealth.

(4) Causes.

(5) Depravity, wickedness.

(6) Superfluous.

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

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Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

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Inflation and population pressures plagued sixteenth-century Europe. This introduction to a “Poor Law,” produced in England in 1536, shows how the governments of the time tried to solve some of their most pressing problems.

According to this document, how (or why) do people become beggars? How would you describe the government’s attitude towards the poor? What reasons are given here to explain how people become beggars?

Forasmuch as the king’s majesty has full and perfect notice that there be within this his realm as well a right great multitude of strong valiant beggars, (1) vagabonds and idle persons of both kinds, men and women, which though they might well labor for their living if they would will not yet put themselves to it as divers other of his true and faithful subjects do, but give themselves to live idly by begging and procuring of alms of the people, to the high displeasure of Almighty God, hurt of their own souls, evil example of others, and to the great hurt of the commonwealth of this realm; as also divers (2) others old, sick, lame, feeble and impotent persons not able to labor for their living but are driven of necessity to procure the alms and charity of the people. And his highness (3) has perfect knowledge that some of them have fallen into such poverty only of the visitation of God (4) through sickness and other casualties, and some through their own default, (5) whereby they have come finally to that point that they could not labor for any part of their living but of necessity are driven to live wholly by the charity of the people. And some have fallen to such misery through the default of their masters which have put them out of service (6) in time of sickness and left them wholly without relief and comfort. And some be fallen thereto through default of their friends which in youth have brought them up in overmuch pleasure and idleness, and instructed them not in anything wherewith they might in age get their living. And some have set such as have been under their rule to procure their living by open begging even from childhood, so that they never knew any other way of living but only by begging. And so for lack of good oversight in youth many live in great misery in age. And some have come to such misery through their own default, as through sloth, pride, negligence, falsehood and such other ungraciousness, whereby their masters, lovers and friends have been driven to forsake them and finally no man would take them to any service; whereby they have in process of time lain in the open streets and fallen to utter desolation. And divers other occasions have brought many to such poverty which were very long to rehearse here. But whatsoever the occasion be, charity requires that some way be taken to help and succor them that be in such necessity and also to prevent that others shall not hereafter fall into like misery. Therefore his highness, of his most blessed and godly disposition, like a virtuous prince and gracious head regarding as well the maintenance of the commonwealth of his realm, the body, as the relief of the poor, wretched and miserable people whereof be a great multitude in this his realm, and the redress and avoiding of all valiant beggars and idle persons within the same . . . has by the advice of the lords spiritual and temporary (7) and the commons in this present Parliament assembled . . . provided certain remedies as well for the help and relief of such idle, valiant beggars as has been before remembered, as of such poor and miserable people as be before rehearsed, in manner and form following. . . .

(1) As opposed to handicapped beggars, who are unable to work.

(2) Various.

(3) The king.

(4) “Acts of God,” accidents.

(5) Fault.

(6) Fired them from jobs as servants.

(7) High officials of church and state.

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This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

Paul Brians
Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

This is just a sample of Reading About the World, Volume 2.

Reading About the World is now out of print. You can search for used copies using the following information:Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-567425-0 or Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 2, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-512826-4.

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René Descartes, the celebrated mathematician and physicist, is also often considered a founder of modern philosophy, as he sought new ways to move beyond Medieval Aristoteleanism and justify the science of his day. In his Discourse on Method he expresses his disappointment with traditional philosophy and with the limitations of theology; only logic, geometry and algebra hold his respect, because of the utter certainty which they can offer us. Unfortunately, because they depend on hypotheses, they cannot tell us what is real (i.e., what the world is really like). Therefore Descartes proposes a method of thought incorporating the rigor of mathematics but based on intuitive truths about what is real, basic knowledge which could not be wrong (like the axioms of geometry). He calls into question everything that he thinks he has learned through his senses but rests his whole system on the one truth that he cannot doubt, namely, the reality of his own mind and the radical difference between the mental and the physical aspects of the world.

Descartes (late in our excerpt) suggests that sense experience might be like dreaming, i.e., vivid but not matching the way things really are. But what does he realize must be the case even if his senses cannot be trusted?

Part 1:

Good sense is the most evenly distributed thing in the world, for all people suppose themselves so well provided with it that even those who are the most difficult to satisfy in every other respect never seem to desire more than they have. It is not likely that everyone is mistaken; rather this attitude reveals that the ability to judge and distinguish the true from the false, which is properly what one calls good sense or reason, is in fact naturally equally distributed among all people. Thus the diversity of our opinions does not result from some of us being more reasonable than others, but solely from the fact that we conduct our thoughts along different paths, and consider different things. . . .

As far as reason–or good sense–is concerned, since it is the only thing that makes us human and differentiates us from the animals, I should like to believe that it is entirely present in each of us. . . .

I was nourished by study from my earliest childhood; and since I was convinced that this was the means to acquire a clear and certain knowledge of all that is useful in life, I had an extreme desire to learn. But as soon as I had finished a course of studies which usually culminates in one being accepted as one of the learned, I changed my opinion completely; for I found myself troubled by so many doubts and errors that the only profit I had gained in seeking to educate myself was to discover more and more clearly the extent of my ignorance. Nevertheless I had been at one of the most famous schools in Europe, where I thought there must be wise men if such existed anywhere on earth. There I had learned all that the others learned; and besides, not satisfied with the knowledge that we were taught, I had pored over all the unusual and strange books that I could lay my hands on. In addition, I knew how others evaluated me; and I did not want to be considered inferior to my fellow-students, even though some among them were already destined to take the places of my teachers. Finally, our century seemed to me to abound in as many wise spirits as any preceding one, which led me to suppose that I could judge the experience of others by my own, and to think that there was no such knowledge in the world such as I had been led to hope for. . . .

I was especially pleased with mathematics because of the certainty and clarity of its proofs; but I did not as yet realize its true usefulness; and, thinking that it was only useful in the mechanical arts, I was astonished that, since its foundations were so firm and solid, no one had built something higher upon it. To the contrary, I felt that the writings of the ancient pagans (1) who had discussed morality were like superb, magnificent palaces which were built on mere sand and mud: they greatly praised the virtues and made them appear more exalted than anything else in the world; but they did they did not sufficiently teach how to know them. Often that which they called by the fine name of “virtue” was nothing but apathy, or pride, or despair, or parricide.

I revered our theology, and hoped as much as anyone else to get to heaven; but having learned, as if it were certain, that the road to heaven is as open to the most ignorant as to the most learned, and that the revealed truths which lead one there are beyond our comprehension, I did not dare to submit them to my feeble reasonings, and I thought that to undertake successfully to examine them one would need some extraordinary heavenly aid and beyond human ability.

Of philosophy I will say nothing except that, seeing that it had been developed by the finest minds that had lived over many centuries and that nevertheless there was no point in it which was not still under dispute, and consequently doubtful, I lacked the presumption to hope that I would succeed any better than the others. When I considered how many different opinions there had been about the same subject put forward by learned men, whereas only one of them could have been correct, I considered that anything which was only probable was as good as false. . . .

It is true that while I considered only the customs of other ordinary men, I found nothing in them to reassure me, and I noticed as much diversity among them as I had earlier done among the opinions of philosophers. The greatest benefit I received from this study was that, having observed many things which, while they seemed quite extravagant and ridiculous, were nevertheless commonly accepted as true and approved by great peoples, I learned not to believe too firmly in anything of which I had been persuaded only by example and custom. Thus I freed myself little by little from many errors which can dim our natural light and even make us less able to listen to reason. But after I had spent several years thus studying the book of the world and trying to get some experience, I one day resolved to study my own self, and to use all the powers of my mind to choose the path I should follow, which was much more successful, it seems to me, than if I had never left my country or my books.

Part 2:

When I was younger I had studied a little among other branches of philosophy, logic, and among types of mathematics, geometrical analysis and algebra: three arts or sciences which seemed as if they ought to contribute something to my goal. But when I examined them, I realized that as far as logic was concerned, its syllogisms and most of its other methods serve only to explain to someone else that which one already knows, or even, like Lully’s art, to speak foolishly of things one does not know, rather than to actually learn anything. Even though logic contains, in fact, many very true and good precepts, they are nevertheless mingled with so many others which are harmful or superfluous that it is almost as hard to separate them out as to carve a Diana or a Minerva from an as yet untouched block of marble. Besides, as far as the analysis of the ancients or modern algebra is concerned, and besides the fact that they can deal only with very abstract matters which seem utterly useless, the former is always so restricted to the study of geometrical figures that it cannot exercise the understanding without greatly tiring the imagination; and the latter is so restricted to certain rules and figures that it has become a confused, obscure art which perplexes the mind instead of being a science which cultivates it. So I thought that I had to look for some other method which, having the advantages of these three, would be free of their defects. Just as a multitude of laws often creates excuses for vices, so that the best regulated state is that which, having very few laws, makes those few strictly observed, instead of the great number or precepts which make up logic, I thought that the four following precepts would suffice, provided that I could make a firm, steadfast resolution not to violate them even once.

The first was to never accept anything as true which I could not accept as obviously true; that is to say, to carefully avoid impulsiveness and prejudice, and to include nothing in my conclusions but whatever was so clearly presented to my mind that I could have no reason to doubt it.

The second was to divide each of the problems I was examining in as many parts as I could, as many as should be necessary to solve them.

The third, to develop my thoughts in order, beginning with the simplest and easiest to understand matters, in order to reach by degrees, little by little, to the most complex knowledge, assuming an orderliness among them which did not at all naturally seem to follow one from the other.

And the last resolution was to make my enumerations so complete and my reviews so general that I could be assured that I had not omitted anything.

These long chains of reasoning, so simple and easy, which geometers customarily use to make their most difficult demonstrations, caused me to imagine that everything which could be known by human beings could be deduced one from the other in the same way, and that, provided only that one refrained from accepting anything as true which was not, and always preserving the order by which one deduced one from another, there could not be any truth so abstruse that one could not finally attain it, nor so hidden that it could not be discovered. And I had little trouble finding which propositions I needed to begin with, for I already knew that they would be the simplest and the easiest to know. . . .

I took the best features of geometrical analysis and of algebra, and corrected all the defects of one by the other. (2)

Part 4:

I had noticed for a long time that it was necessary sometimes to agree with opinions about ethics which I knew to be quite uncertain, even though they were indubitable, as I said earlier; but since I wanted to devote myself solely to the search for truth, I thought that I should act in the opposite manner, and reject as absolutely false anything about which I could imagine the slightest doubt, so that I could see if there would not remain after all that something in my belief which could be called absolutely certain. So, because our senses sometimes trick us, I tried to imagine that there was nothing which is the way that we imagine it; and since there are people who are mistaken about the simplest matters of geometry, making mistakes in logic, and supposing that I was as likely to make mistakes as anyone else, I rejected as false all the reasonings that I had considered as valid demonstrations. Finally, considering that all our thoughts which we have when we are awake can also come to us when we are sleeping without a single one of them being true, I resolved to pretend that everything I had ever thought was no more true that the illusions in my dreams. But I immediately realized that, though I wanted to think that everything was false, it was necessary that the “me” who was doing the thinking was something; and noticing that this truth–I think, therefore I am–was so certain and sure that all the wildest suppositions of skeptics could not shake it, I judged that I could unhesitatingly accept it as the first principle of the philosophy for which I was seeking.

Then, examining closely what I was, and seeing that I could imagine that I had no body and that there was no world or place where I was, I could not imagine that I did not exist at all. On the contrary, precisely because I doubted the existence of other things it followed quite obviously and certainly that I did exist. If, on the other hand, I had only ceased to think while everything else that I had imagined remained true, I would have had no reason to believe that I existed; therefore I realized that I was a substance whose essence, or nature, is nothing but thought, and which, in order to exist, needs no place to exist nor any other material thing. So this self, that is to say the soul, through which I am what I am, is entirely separate from the body, and is even more easily known than the latter, so that even if I did not have a body, my soul would continue to be all that it is.

Translated by Paul Brians

(1) Descartes means to include here the Greek philosophers; “pagan” covers anyone who was not a part of Christendom.

(2) It was Descartes who figured out how to combine algebra and geometry such that, on a pair of intersecting axes, we can geometrically map any algebraic function. Those axes are still called “Cartesian co-ordinates.”

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

Paul Brians
Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

This is just a sample of Reading About the World, Volume 2.

Reading About the World is now out of print. You can search for used copies using the following information:Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-567425-0 or Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 2, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-512826-4.

Try Chambal:
http://www.chambal.com/csin/9780155674257/ (vol. 1)
http://www.chambal.com/csin/9780155128262/ (vol. 2)

Romeo and Juliet is one of Shakespeare’s most beloved plays, having been turned into paintings, ballets, and several operas. Its hero even became a common noun: “a romeo” used to mean a lover. But it is largely Juliet who makes the play come alive. Although the plot describes her as absurdly young, her passion is expressed with a fine intelligence and wit which makes her irresistible. This most famous of all love scenes shows Romeo at first lusting after the young girl he has just met at the masked ball where he has gone in disguise (because his family is feuding with hers); but she manages eventually to steer his thoughts toward marriage. Romeo has clambered over the wall into the orchard of the Capulet family when he sees the candlelight appear in Juliet’s bedroom window, which he immediately compares to the rising sun.

Which seems more mature, Romeo or Juliet? Why

[Capulet’s orchard.]
ROMEO [Coming forward.]:
But soft! What light through yonder window breaks?
It is the East, and Juliet is the sun!
Arise, fair sun, and kill the envious moon
Who is already sick and pale with grief
That (1) thou her maid (2) art far more fair than she.
Be not her maid, since she is envious.
Her vestal livery (3) is but sick and green, (4)
And none but fools do wear it. Cast it off. (5)
It is my lady! O, it is my love!
O, that she knew she were!
She speaks, yet she says nothing.
What of that? Her eye discourses; I will answer it.
I am too bold; ’tis not to me she speaks.
Two of the fairest stars in all the heaven
Having some business, do entreat her eyes
To twinkle in their spheres till they return. (6)
What if her eyes were there, they in her head?
The brightness of her cheek would shame those stars
As daylight doth a lamp; her eyes in heaven
Would through the airy region stream so bright
That birds would sing and think it were not night.
See how she leans her cheek upon her hand!
O, that I were a glove upon that hand,
That I might touch that cheek!
JULIET :
Ay me!
ROMEO:
She speaks.
O, speak again, bright angel, for thou art
As glorious to this night, being o’er my head,
As is a winged messenger of heaven
Unto the white-upturned wond’ring eyes
Of mortals that fall back to gaze on him
When he bestrides the lazy puffing clouds
And sails upon the bosom of the air.
JULIET:
O Romeo, Romeo! Wherefore (7) art thou Romeo?
Deny thy father and refuse thy name;
Or, if thou wilt not, be but sworn my love,
And I’ll no longer be a Capulet.
ROMEO [Aside.]:
Shall I hear more, or shall I speak at this?
JULIET:
‘Tis but thy name that is my enemy.
Thou art thyself, though not a Montague.
What’s Montague? It is nor hand, nor foot,
Nor arm, nor face. O, be some other name
Belonging to a man.
What’s in a name? That which we call a rose
By any other word would smell as sweet.
So Romeo would, were he not Romeo called,
Retain that dear perfection which he owes (8)
Without that title. Romeo, doff (9) thy name;
And for thy name, (10) which is no part of thee,
Take all myself.
ROMEO:
I take thee at thy word.
Call me but love, and I’ll be new baptized;
Henceforth I never will be Romeo.
JULIET:
What man art thou, that, thus bescreened in night,
So stumblest on my counsel? (11)
ROMEO:
By a name
I know not how to tell thee who I am.
My name, dear saint, is hateful to myself
Because it is an enemy to thee.
Had I it written, I would tear the word.
JULIET:
My ears have yet not drunk a hundred words
Of thy tongue’s uttering, yet I know the sound.
Art thou not Romeo, and a Montague?
ROMEO:
Neither, fair maid, if either thee dislike. (12)
JULIET:
How camest thou hither, tell me, and wherefore?
The orchard walls are high and hard to climb,
And the place death, considering who thou art,
If any of my kinsmen find thee here.
ROMEO:
With love’s light wings did I o’erperch (13) these walls;
For stony limits cannot hold love out,
And what love can do, that dares love attempt.
Therefore thy kinsmen are no stop (14) to me.
JULIET:
If they do see thee, they will murder thee.
ROMEO:
Alack, there lies more peril in thine eye
Than twenty of their swords! Look thou but sweet,
And I am proof against their enmity.
JULIET:
I would not for the world they saw thee here.
ROMEO:
I have night’s cloak to hide me from their eyes;
And but (15) thou love me, let them find me here.
My life were better ended by their hate
Than death prorogued, wanting (16) of thy love.
JULIET:
By whose direction found’st thou out this place?
ROMEO:
By Love, that first did prompt me to inquire.
He lent me council, and I lent him eyes.
I am no pilot; yet, wert thou as far
As that vast shore washed with the farthest sea,
I should adventure for such merchandise.
JULIET:
Thou knowest the mask of night is on my face;
Else (17) would a maiden blush bepaint my cheek
For that which thou hast heard me speak tonight.
Fain (18) would I dwell on form (19)–fain, fain deny
What I have spoke; but farewell compliment!
Dost thou love me? I know thou wilt say “Ay;”
And I will take thy word. Yet, if thou swear’st,
Thou mayst prove false. At lovers’ perjuries,
They say Jove laughs. (20) O gentle Romeo,
If thou dost love, pronounce it faithfully.
Or if thou thinkest I am too quickly won,
I’ll frown and be perverse and say thee nay,
So thou wilt woo, but else, not for the world. (21)
In truth, fair Montague, I am too fond, (22)
And therefore thou mayst think my havior (23) light;
But trust me, gentleman, I’ll prove more true
Than those that have more cunning to be strange. (24)
I should have been more strange, I must confess,
But (25) that thou overheard’st, ere I was ware, (26)
My true love passion. Therefore pardon me,
And not impute this yielding to light love,
Which the dark night hath so discovered. (27)
ROMEO:
Lady, by yonder blessed moon I vow,
That tips with silver all these fruit-tree tops–
JULIET:
O, swear not by the moon, th’ inconstant moon,
That monthly changes in her circle orb,
Lest that thy love prove likewise variable.
ROMEO:
What shall I swear by?
JULIET:
Do not swear at all;
Or if thou wilt, swear by thy gracious self,
Which is the god of my idolatry,
And I’ll believe thee.
ROMEO:
If my heart’s dear love–
JULIET:
Well, do not swear. Although I joy in thee,
I have no joy of this contract tonight.
It is too rash, too unadvised, too sudden;
Too like the lightning, which doth cease to be
Ere one can say it lightens. Sweet, good night!
This bud of love, by summer’s ripening breath,
May prove a beauteous flow’r when next we meet.
Good night, good night! As sweet repose and rest
Come to thy heart as that within my breast!
ROMEO:
O, wilt thou leave me so unsatisfied?
JULIET:
What satisfaction canst thou have to-night?
ROMEO:
The exchange of thy love’s faithful vow for mine.
JULIET:
I gave thee mine before thou didst request it:
and yet I would it were to give again.
ROMEO:
Would’st thou withdraw it? for what purpose, love?
JULIET:
But to be frank (28) and give it thee again.
And yet I wish but for the thing I have.
My bounty is as boundless as the sea,
My love as deep; the more I give to thee,
The more I have, for both are infinite.
I hear some noise within. Dear love, adieu!
[NURSE calls within.]
Anon, (29) good nurse! Sweet Montague, be true.
Stay but a little, I will come again. [Exit.]
ROMEO:
O blessed, blessed night! I am afeard,
Being in night, all this is but a dream,
Too flattering-sweet to be substantial.
[Enter JULIET again.]
JULIET:
Three words, dear Romeo, and good night indeed.
If that thy bent of love be honorable,
Thy purpose marriage, send me word tomorrow,
By one that I’ll procure to come to thee,
Where and what time thou wilt perform the rite;
And all my fortunes at thy foot I’ll lay
And follow thee my lord throughout the world.
[NURSE within.]
Madam!
JULIET:
I come anon.–But if thou meanest not well,
I do beseech thee–
[NURSE within.]
Madam!
JULIET:
By and by I come.–
To cease thy strife and leave me to my grief
Tomorrow will I send.
ROMEO:
So thrive my soul–
JULIET:
A thousand times good night!
ROMEO:
A thousand times the worse, to want thy light!
Love goes toward love as schoolboys from their books
But love from love, toward school with heavy looks
[Enter JULIET again]
JULIET:
Hist! Romeo, hist! O for a falc’ner’s voice
To lure this tassel gentle back again! (30)
Bondage is hoarse and may not speak aloud,
Else would I tear the cave where Echo lies
And make her airy tongue more hoarse than
With repetition of “My Romeo!”
ROMEO:
How silver-sweet sound lovers’ tongues by night,
Like softest music to attending (31) ears!
JULIET:
Romeo!
ROMEO:
My sweet?
JULIET:
What o’clock tomorrow
Shall I send to thee?
ROMEO:
By the hour of nine.
JULIET:
I will not fail. ‘Tis twenty years till then.
I have forgot why I did call thee back.
ROMEO:
Let me stand here till thou remember it.
JULIET:
I shall forget, to have thee still stand there,
Rememb’ring how I love thy company.
ROMEO:
And I’ll still stay, to have thee still forget,
Forgetting any other home but this.
JULIET:
‘Tis almost morning. I would have thee gone–
And yet no farther than a wanton’s bird,
That lets it hop a little from his hand,
Like a poor prisoner in his twisted gyves, (32)
And with a silken thread plucks it back again
So loving-jealous of his liberty.
ROMEO:
I would I were thy bird.
JULIET:
Sweet, so would I.
Yet I should kill thee with much cherishing.
Good night, good night! Parting is such sweet sorrow
That I shall say good night till it be morrow. [Exit.]
ROMEO
Sleep dwell upon thine eyes, peace in thy breast!
Would I were sleep and peace, so sweet to rest! (33)

(1) Because.

(2) In classical mythology the moon is ruled by the virgin goddess Diana; hence the innocent Juliet is “her maid,” but this maid is more beautiful than her mistress.

(3) Virginal, costume like that worn by the ancient Roman Vestal Virgins.

(4) Young women were said to suffer from “green-sickness” which could only be cured by lovemaking.

(5) That is, stop being a virgin (make love with me).

(6) Her eyes are so bright that it seems two stars have traded places with them.

(7) Why.

(8) Owns, possesses.

(9) Take off, get rid of.

(10) In exchange for your name.

(11) Talk.

(12) If you don’t like either of those names.

(13) Climb over.

(14) Hindrance.

(15) Unless.

(16) Lacking.

(17) Otherwise.

(18) Willingly.

(19) Do things correctly, start over following the proper ways of becoming acquainted.

(20) Jove, or Jupiter, an infamously unfaithful husband, was said not to take seriously the failure of lovers to live up to their oaths.

(21) I’ll resist you properly if you promise to keep courting me, but not otherwise.

(22) Foolish

(23) Behavior.

(24) Distant, standoffish.

(25) Except.

(26) Aware.

(27) Revealed.

(28) Generous.

(29) Right away.

(30) Oh for the voice of a falconer who can lure back his tercel-gentle (the male of the goshawk, trained to hunt and return at a master’s call).

(31) Listening.

(32) Fetters.

(33) I wish I were sleep and peace so I could rest on your breast.

Click here for the entire text of Romeo and Juliet.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:

Paul Brians
Department of English
Washington State University
Pullman 99164-5020

This is just a sample of Reading About the World, Volume 2.

Reading About the World is now out of print. You can search for used copies using the following information:Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-567425-0 or Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 2, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-512826-4.

Try Chambal:
http://www.chambal.com/csin/9780155674257/ (vol. 1)
http://www.chambal.com/csin/9780155128262/ (vol. 2)